sitio de archivo, para información actualizada visite www.derechoshumanos.gov.co
OUTLOOK ON THE SELF-DEFENSE GROUPS

 

SUMMARY

The empirical analysis and the discussion of common ideas about the self-defense groups in Colombia that we have carried out in this outlook, allows the conception that the state finances, organizes and plans joint operations with the self-defense groups to be disproved. It also allows the idea, frequently enunciated, that the state is tolerant and indulgent, and fails to use its capacity to investigate, punish and confront these illegal armed organizations. Nonetheless, although the self-defense groups are far from being a state enterprise, this does not deny the fact that some of its members have a sympathetic attitude, and even one of complicity, towards these organizations. But such behavior is not a response to directives coming from the state's highest levels -in fact, such officials are the subject of investigations by the relevant authorities. It is induced by local social forces or is associated with corruption or personal convictions.

It has been observed in the past few years that the self-defense groups are making significant efforts to present themselves as a national force, with a unified, responsible command. This is a strategy to show themselves as a political organization. Although it is true that the self-defense groups have contained the action of subversive groups in some areas, their expansion and development are promoted by other elements associated with drug trafficking and private interests. In a number areas, the social support networks set up as a reaction, or to counteract the influence of subversive groups, are a factor in the strengthening of the self-defense groups.

Substantial evidence does exist that the self-defense groups launch more and more frequent attacks against the civilian population and the state. On many occasions they resort to the atrocious practices of massacres and forced displacement of persons, striking at the poorest peasants. Apart from the large number of investigators of the judicial sectors that have fallen victims to their acts, the self-defense groups have assassinated a significant number of local and regional government officials and political leaders. The attacks against state officials are, by analogy, attacks against the state itself.

The state has achieved positive results in its task of dismantling these illegal groups. The justice administration bodies' action has produced favorable results, particularly on account of the work of the Human Rights Unit of the Prosecutor General's Office, that deals with criminal actions brought against private individuals suspected of having links with self-defense groups. The number of cases of members of the Armed Forces and the Police linked to procedures for the crime of formation of self-defense groups is small. In connection with this kind of links, the government promotes the relevant investigations, and is determined to ensure punishment for the members of the Military Forces, the Police or the security bodies who are found to have links with these illegal groups.

As regards the results of Armed Forces and Police operations, the number of casualties and arrests of members of these organizations has increased, and this has meant substantial losses to them. Although these results show that the number of casualties inflicted by the Army and the Police on the subversive groups is far larger than those inflicted on the self-defense groups, the statistics that we analyzed reveal an upwards trend with regard to the latter, which coincides with the increased participation of these groups in violent activities. Despite the exponential growth of these groups, the Armed Forces and the Police are making efforts in response to the increase in massacres, kidnappings and forced displacements committed or provoked by the self-defense groups.

Further analysis must be made of other dimensions of the problem, including its characteristics, and the nature of the attacks on specific sectors, such as trade unionists, journalists and academics. The role played by the self-defense groups in the situation of violence and in the armed conflict facing Colombia, described here, reinforces the political determination of the National Government, shared by many sectors of the Colombian society and the international community, to dismantle and combat these organizations, as well as all forms of violence.

CASES OF FORMATION OF, AND LINKS WITH,SELF-DEFENSE AND VIGILANTE GROUPS INVESTIGATED IN THE PAST YEAR BY THE
HUMAN RIGHTS UNIT OF THE PROSECUTOR GENERAL'S OFFICE

  1. Formation of self-defense groups in Cimitarra (Santander). Proceedings have its origins in the investigation of the murder of journalist Silvia Dussán and three peasant leaders in 1990.
  2. Formation of self-defense groups in Pie de Pato, Alto Baudó (Chocó). Proceedings follow the occurrence of incidents on December 31, 1997.
  3. Formation of self-defense groups, El Morro rural district, municipality of Cimitarra (Santander). The incidents in question took place on February 27, 1998.
  4. Formation of self-defense groups in the Middle Magdalena region.
  5. Formation of self-defense groups in the San José del Guaviare area.
  6. Formation of self-defense groups in northeastern Antioquia from 1995 onwards.
  7. Formation of self-defense groups, CONVIVIR case, El Corral, Arauca, 1997 and 1998.
  8. Formation of self-defense groups, Las Mercedes municipal district, Chocó. The incidents in question took place on November 24, 1999.
  9. Formation of self-defense groups in the department of Valle del Cauca.
  10. Formation of self-defense groups, Morelia road, Valparaiso (Caquetá). The incidents in question took place on September 21, 1999.
  11. Formation of self-defense groups. The incidents in question took place on December 9, 1993.
  12. Formation of self-defense groups in the municipalities of Dabeiba, Frontino, Cañasgordas, Sopetrán and others (Surrender of AUC's second in command).
  13. Formation of self-defense groups in La Ceja (Antioquia).
  14. Formation of self-defense groups in Valledupar.
  15. Formation of self-defense groups in Cúcuta (Norte de Santander).
  16. Formation of self-defense groups in Timba (Cauca).

SOME INVESTIGATIONS CONDUCTED BY THE HUMAN RIGHTS UNIT OF THE PROSECUTOR GENERAL'S OFFICE, IN WHICH THOSE IMPLICATED HAVE BEEN CHARGED WITH FORMATION OF, OR LINKS WITH, SELF-DEFENSE AND VIGILANTE GROUPS

  • Trujillo Massacre I, 1988 - 1990, at La Sonora municipal district, Trujillo (Valle).
  • Massacre of 19 traders in the Middle Magdalena region in October 1987.
  • Homicide of Carlos Arturo Solano-Bernal, Sergio Manuel Santero-Bacilio and Dagoberto-Santero Bacilio, three indigenous persons, in El Martillo rural district (Sucre), on June 5, 1996.
  • Kidnapping of Juan Carlos Gómez-Arango, Fabio Eduardo Gómez-Arango, Javier de Jesús Rúa-Rivera, Liliana Henao-Vanegas, Allison Gómez-Henao and Humberto González-Rivera at La Estrella (Antioquia), on November 19, 1995.
  • Homicide of Adolfo León-García, Juradó (Chocó), on July 3, 1996.
  • Massacre of Colosó, Sucre (11 persons), on December 4, 1996.
  • Homicide of Rodrigo Montes (Councilor for Ovejas, Sucre), on November 21, 1994.
  • Massacre of Mapiripán (Meta), on July 15, 1997.
  • Homicide of Jhon Jairo Taborda-Muñoz, in Medellín (Antioquia).
  • Acandí case (Chocó).
  • CONVIVIR case at El Corral (Arauca), between the end of 1997 and the beginning of 1998.
  • Massacre of Barrancabermeja (Santander), on May 16, 1998.
  • Kidnapping of DAS and CTI officials at Llanadas rural district,municipality of La Ceja (Antioquia), on February 15, 1999.
  • Homicide of Carlos Augusto Quiroz, the mayor of San Jacinto, in November 6, 1997.
  • Dabeiba Massacre, November 22 and 30, 1997.
  • Massacre of La Gabarra (Tibú), on May 29, 1999.
  • Tibú Massacre, August 21, 1999.
  • Setting up of illegal roadblocks on the Granada road (Meta), on June 16, 1999.
  • Formation of self-defense groups in the municipalities of Dabeiba,Frontino, Cañasgordas, Sopetrán and others (voluntary surrender of AUC's second in command).

Office of the Vice President
of Colombia

Presidential Program forHuman Rights
and InternationalHumanitarian Law

HOME | INTRODUCTION | CHAPTER 1 | CHAPTER 2 | CHAPTER 3 | SUMMARY |